March 2013



Curated from , written by Fraser Nelson

A few months ago, a Norwegian made a spoof video sending up Live Aid, and the clichéd Western view of Africa and the stereotypes perpetuated by the aid industry. It has now been viewed two million times, making it one of Europe’s most successful political videos. It starts with an African equivalent of Bob Geldof.

“A lot of people aren’t aware of what’s going on there right now. It’s kinda just as bad as poverty if you ask me… people don’t ignore starving people, so why should we ignore cold people? Frostbite kills too. Africa: we need to make a difference.”

The joke organisation is called Radi-Aid, where Africans share heat with Norway. Here’s the video:-

The Norwegians can joke about this because there, people don’t really die of the cold. In Britain, we do.”Every winter in the UK, 25,000-30,000 deaths are linked to the cold weather,” , as if this were as grimly inevitable as the winter itself. That’s about one death every seven minutes. The long, harsh winter of 2012/13 looks set to push the death toll over 30,000 – way more than the casualty rate for, say, breast cancer or road (and all other) accidents. Jack Frost is one of Britain’s biggest killers.

I’ve never worked out why there isn’t more outrage over this, and look at this in . There’s so much concern about the effects of global warming, and carbon taxes introduced to make bills more expensive. This will have no measurable impact on global warming, but can be sure to lead to colder homes and – quite possibly – shorter lives. Right now, there are pensioners over Britain who worry about putting the heating up because bills ( over the last seven years) are so expensive. And Ed Davey’s figures show his carbon taxes would make these bills higher still.

While we worry about global warming, the cold is the real killer. Ed Davey has five main climate change policies that push up our bills: the Emissions Trading Scheme, Carbon Price Floor, Renewables Obligation, Energy Market rigging and feed-in-tarrifs. These five policies add an average £62 to fuel bills today, and are expected to add £199 in 2020 and £271 in 2030. Without those five policies, fuel bills would fall by 10pc by 2020, rather than rising by 6pc. And in 2030, they’d be 4pc lower than today, instead of 18pc higher

Davey does have plans that lower bills. Better insulation and more efficient boilers are welcomed by everyone. But bringing bills down should be his entire policy: he should be going for cheaper energy, not greener energy.

The UK rates for ‘excess winter mortality’ ought to be seen as a national scandal: they are almost twice that of far-colder Norway. Spain is actually worse than Britain: the cold hits countries whose houses don’t keep in the heat as well. The Norwegians are not born with cold-resistant genes: they have just, as a society, worked out how to prepare for winter. We’re still struggling.

Insulate: the way to save lives. The remedy that the Norwegian students joke about, sending radiators to cold folk, is not far off the mark. The most effective way to help is to help with boiler upgrades, loft insulation and other measures to make British homes more energy-efficient and, ergo, cheaper to heat. The is pretty clear:-

Higher mortality rates are generally found in less severe, milder winter climates… Countries with comparatively warm all year climates tend to have poor domestic thermal efficiency. Because of this, these countries find it hardest to keep their homes warm when winter arrives. ()

have been trying to remedy this. Yet the insulation budget is being cut – and is anyway a fraction of the cost of the Winter Fuel Payments, a scheme where the word ‘fuel’ is redundant. It gives a cash bung to all pensioners even if they’re millionaires or expats living in the Costa del Sol. Just 12pc  of the payment goes to people in actual fuel poverty. It symbolises the failure of successive governments to take the problem seriously.

Yesterday, about Radio Four’s Thought for Today and how I miss the insights of Rabbi Lionel Blue. One of his phrases was ‘moral long-sightedness’: the ability to see (and get worked up about) problems thousands of miles away while being blind to problems on our own doorstep. Yes, overseas aid is important. But people are dying in Britain, too, under our noses. Even the Iranian press .

No one would wear a wristband for British pensioners, at least 150 of whom are likely to die from cold-related illnesses today. Perhaps the cause of death is too mundane and the solutions too familiar to generate much excitement. Saving their lives has somehow become the least fashionable cause in politics.

If we were to scrap Winter Fuel Payments and properly insulate homes, we may – like Norway – be able to make jokes about harsh winters. As things stand, dying of the cold is a very British disease.

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Why David Urquhart is a man for our times

Bishop of Birmingham shows leadership with social inclusion campaign


David Urquhart

David Urquhart

The holy week of Easter is a highly appropriate time to applaud the increasingly important role being played by the Bishop of Birmingham in leading a campaign to make the fight against poverty a major issue.

David Urquhart isn’t a self-publicist media ‘personality’ along the lines of his predecessor John Sentamu. As bishops go, he has a low profile nationally, which is clearly the way he likes it.

Since arriving in Birmingham he’s proved highly capable of working productively with the city council’s political leadership of whichever colour. His relationship with former deputy council leader Paul Tilsley, a Liberal Democrat, was very comfortable, while he is on good terms with today’s Labour council leader Sir Albert Bore.

Bishop David is playing a unique role, transcending party politics and bringing together a broad coalition determined to adopt a fresh approach to tackling unemployment and social exclusion.

I strongly suspect a social inclusion process ‘white paper’ recently published by the city council and Birmingham’s strategic partnerships would have descended into the same old hand-wringing while producing no clear understanding of how to improve matters were it not for the influence of the Bishop.

Personally, I’d advise anyone remotely interested in lifting Birmingham out of its position one of the most deprived local authorities in Britain to read and digest the 45-page document

In his introduction Bishop David makes, as you would expect, the Christian case for helping those less fortunate than ourselves although nowhere does he overtly bring religion into the equation.

He writes: “Inequality and social exclusion is something that we should not easily accept in a rich country and a city like ours. Our aim is to bridge the gap between the disadvantaged and the powerful, so that more people can participate in the economic and social opportunities at work, home and play.”

No one can be in the slightest doubt that Birmingham does face significant problems.

  • The 9th most deprived local authority in the UK, with significant pockets in the top one per cent of most deprived areas nationally.
  • 35 per cent of children are classified as living in child poverty. In some wards this is as high as 52 per cent.
  • Unemployment rates are twice the national average, with more than 50 per cent of adults out of work in some neighbourhoods.
  • A life expectancy gap of over 10 years between the worst and best wards.
  • A low proportion of highly-skilled residents when compared with the UK average.

The problems are commonly understood, or so we think. But the social inclusion process white paper manages to drill down into the city’s psyche to try to understand what’s really going on.

A steering group of academic experts was brought together, helped by Birmingham University, to focus on five key lines of inquiry – Place, People, Wellbeing, Inclusive Economic Growth and Young People.

The findings make it clear that pre-conceived ideas about what causes social exclusion and poverty are not always particularly helpful. The real issues are far more complex.

Birmingham’s village mentality came across very strongly in the research. Elderly people in Kingstanding, for example, were said to rarely, if ever, venture into the city centre.

The remoteness of the city centre and the Bullring’s smart shops, regarded as ‘not for ordinary Brummies’, was a common and disturbing theme alongside a stubborn attachment to small suburban areas. Many people living in Yardley, for example, have probably never visited other parts of Birmingham and see no need to.

Residents of council estates on the edges of the city spoke of a sense of isolation, remoteness, and lack of connection with either the surrounding neighbourhoods or with the rest of the city.

Some residents said they would not put their postcode on a CV for fear that it would lessen their chances of getting employment.

Expensive public transport making travel to work difficult was another common theme with many people identifying the prohibitive cost to families on low incomes of visiting the city centre.

The white paper notes: “The lack of connection and feeling of isolation of some outlying estates has translated into a feeling that the opportunities being developed in the city centre and other areas of Birmingham are not for them. It has led in some cases to resentment about inner city communities, manifesting itself in feelings of ‘us against the rest.”

An over-reliance on the council or government to provide solutions is highlighted: “Birmingham has created an environment that is built around structures and organisations to deliver services across the city. This has continually disempowered residents’ sense of action.

“There is a need in Birmingham to nurture and design ways to encourage the ‘power to act’ for residents who feel they have solutions to issues that affect wellbeing and inclusion. This would create a sense of citizenship and ownership across the city.”

And in a clear warning to the politicians, it seems clear that expensive regeneration schemes do not always deliver the social and economic improvements claimed by the council. The Bishop’s research uncovered a commonly held view that the wishes of local people are routinely ignored and that consultation is merely tokenistic.

The white paper concludes with seven specific commitments to social inclusion.

  1. Support families and children out of poverty by building an inclusive growth strategythat can bring jobs and prosperity across all communities.
  2. Embrace super-diversity by understanding the unprecedented variety of cultures, identities, faiths and languages that have transformed the social landscape of Birmingham
  3. Protect the most vulnerable by ensuring there is concerted and coordinated preparation to mitigate against the worst effects of the welfare reform changes.
  4. Connect people and place by reducing the cost of and increasing access to public transport.
  5. Create a city that values children and young people
  6. Empower people to shape their neighbourhood by developing a strategy for the city, encouraging greater participation and strengthening relationships between different areas through neighbourhood ‘twinning’.
  7. Address safety, isolation and loneliness by developing services that reduce isolation and loneliness of older people.

It is a list with which few could disagree. However, the shelves of Birmingham Council House are sagging under the weight of equally well-meaning recommendations from the past.

Implementing the recommendations will involve co-operation between public and private sectors and a dynamic multi-agency approach of the type never seen before in Birmingham.

I can do no better than repeat the words of the Bishop of Birmingham, who remains in no doubt about the difficulty of succeeding where so many have failed: “This task moves beyond what the city council or national government can do, not least when budgets are being reduced drastically. It will require the combined energy, resources and wisdom of everyone to address some of the fundamental economic and social issues we face, and to protect those who are most vulnerable in our communities.

“I am aware that I am taking a leap of faith that we want to promote another’s fulfilment at the same time as our own. As we seek the welfare of the whole city, may we know that we are committed to Giving Hope and Changing Lives when, in our relations with our fellow human beings, distant respect moves to deep appreciation and mere tolerance becomes full participation.”

Street names – Mid Devon fails Birmingham’s comma sense test

An apostrophe catastrophe echoes Brum's storm in a teacup


Mid Devon District Council has just had to reprint and re-issue tens of thousands of council tax demands, after sending the majority of its taxpayers bills for up to £5 more than they were due to pay. A hapless council officer had miscalculated the parish precept part of the bills, thereby costing the council an estimated £12,000 in re-billing charges.

A pretty big deal, you might think – one that would surely top the agenda at this week’s cabinet meeting. But you’d be wrong. Sure, folks are annoyed and the Council’s taken some flak, but the annoyance and flak over this expensive and embarrassing boo-boo are NOTHING compared with the literally global outcry prompted by the Council’s announcement that it was planning to formalise its street naming guidelines by, among other things, avoiding in new street names and signs “all punctuation, including apostrophes”.

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Council to ‘red card’ homes unsuitable for wheelie bins

Football-style system chosen to inform householders


redcardOccupants of properties deemed unsuitable for wheelie bins will be handed a football-style red card by Birmingham City Council.

The colour indicates that inspectors have decided that a house or flat has steps that are too steep, is on a slope, has insufficient storage space for a wheelie bin, or is inaccessible for collection vehicles.

However, householders in homes considered suitable for wheelie bins will receive a green card alerting them to expect a delivery of the new bins in due course.

The red and green card system is to have its first airing in Brandwood and Harborne, where

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Steelhouse Lane police station to close

Historic Birmingham building falls victim to reorganisation plan


policestationBirmingham’s Steelhouse Lane police station, one of the oldest in the country, is to close as part of a £17 million savings plan.

The listed building, which dates from the 1890s, still has a Victorian-era custody block in everyday use and the cost of bringing the facilities up to modern standards has been declared prohibitive.

West Midlands Police and Crime Commissioner Bob Jones confirmed that Steelhouse Lane will be declared surplus to requirements within two years and the building will be sold.

Operational police officers and administrative staff are to be transferred to the nearby Lloyd House police headquarters at Colmore Circus, which will be improved and become the new central police station for Birmingham.

The Steelhouse Lane custody facilities will not be transferred to Lloyd House and will instead move to a purpose-built site elsewhere in Birmingham. West Midlands police custody provision is to be boosted by a ‘super block’ custody suite to be built in Sandwell, Mr Jones said.

Office-based police staff at Civic House and Aqua House in Birmingham will also move to Lloyd House in a wide-ranging shake-up of accommodation which Mr Jones said would

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